The beauty of Greatness
“AINT YOU SEEN GEORGE?!?!!!!! HE’S SLOW AND DUMB LIKE A MUMMY….HE CAN’T CATCH A MAN AS FAST OR AS BEAUTIFUL AS ME!
….
I DONE SOMETHIN NEW FOR THIS FIGHT
I DONE TUSSLED WITH A WHALE
I’D A HANDCUFFED
LIGHTNIN’ THROWN THUNDER IN JAIL…
THAT’S BAD…
ONLY LAST WEEK I MURDERED A ROCK
INJURED A STONE HOSPITALISED A BRICK
I’M SO MEAN I MAKE MEDICINE SICK…
IM BAD, BAD, FAST! FAST! FAST!!
ONLY LAST WEEK I SWITCHED A LIGHT OFF IN MY BEDROOM, HIT THE
SWTICH WAS IN THE BED BEFORE THE ROOM WENT DARK!”
When Muhammad Ali lifted the Olympic torch in Atlanta, 1996,
it was as momentous an occasion as it was touching. For, just as when Ali
accepted the Presidential Medal of Freedom from George W. Bush in 2005, the
event was symbolic of how the American establishment had finally managed to
capture and cast Ali in their own desired image – a man who they had spent
years, public money and federal investigations on, in trying to tie down during
the ‘60s, without any success at all. Age has left Ali with Parkinson’s
disease: he needs support to move even his hands and struggles to deliver basic
speech. In his younger days, Ali was a freak, an animal who roared in the blaze
of spectacle. Spectacle was his opium, his forte, his sprawling masterpiece: never
did a man look so comfortable in front of a camera, either inside or outside of
the boxing ring.
Ali’s boxing career was punctured by a 3-year ban he
received for refusing induction into the US army during the Vietnam War. The
ban lasted from 67 till 70, and arguably deprived Ali of his best boxing years.
Before being banned, he was heavyweight champion of the world and had not been
beaten once in 35 fights. He skipped across his turf, gliding up, down, bobbing
and weaving from one side to the other. His hands would dangle by his hips,
clapping every so often, rather than shielding his head. He fought in mercury:
glancing away from punches and then snapping back with darting jabs.
“EVERYBODY STOP TALKING- ATTENTION! DIDN’T I TELL YOU I WAS
THE GREATEST OF ALL TIMES?!…
“I SHOOK UP THE WORLD!! I SHOOK UP THE WORLD!!”
In 1967, just after it became known that the US army would
draft him into the armed forces, Ali fought Ernie Terrell. Terrell, a Black
American like Ali, tried winding Ali up by calling him by his slave name,
Cassius Clay. Ali, in political awakening at the time, was furious – Terrell
could do nothing worse than call him by the name given to him by slavemasters.
Ali completely brutalised Terrell, and made sure the fight lasted the full 15
rounds (refusing to deliver the final blow) in order to dish out as much
punishment as he possible could, shouting WHAT’S MY NAME UNCLE TOM to Terrell
while lacing his head with jabs and hooks. “Uncle Tom” the name given by Black
people to a Black person who was seen to treat the barbarity and oppression let
loose by American authorities as something to bathe in and smile at.
America ended the Ali-Terrell fight in uproar and the media
savaged Ali for being inhumane, indecent and dangerously cruel. Ali was 25 at the
time, and had just announced to the world that he had no reason to go to war:
he “had no quarrel with no Vietcong”. The Terrell fight served to further
freeze the public’s perception of Ali as a “draft-dodger”, a man afraid of
standing up for his country, a coward who could fight in the ring but not where
it mattered. Ali’s induction ceremony into the army was only around the corner,
and formed headline news across the States: could the heavyweight Champion of
the world really go head to head with US foreign policy?
NO VIETKONG EVER
CALLED ME NIGGER.
I GO OVER THERE I
SHOOT SOME PEOPLE, COME BACK HOME I’M STILL A NIGGER
Ali refused to accept the draft. He was stripped of all of
his titles and fighting licenses. There were final-round attempts from some of
those close to Ali to try make him change his mind. Some tried to convince him,
as was most likely the case, that he wouldn’t actually have to go to Vietnam,
yet be pictured in bootcamp training for a few weeks, before being freed to do
as he pleased. He was sentenced to 5 years in prison, pending an appeal. Interviews
of Ali outside the courtroom after refusing the draft show a man visibly
shaken, even anxious. The pictures are the most frightened Ali ever looked in
public. He looks tired, the crusts of his eyes burned over, his darting smile
frozen out, his voice reduced from its rattling roar to a drawl. He looks
shit-scared. Muhammad Ali loved to box. It was the one thing he knew, the one
thing he could do well. A man who finished near the bottom of all his classes
at school and once scored 78 in an IQ test, it was the one thing he could earn
a living from.
I’M READY FOR THIS!
THEY CAN’T GET ME I’M
READY!!
I’M READY TO DIE! I’M
READY TO DIE!
Ali had appealed his conviction on the grounds of being a
conscientious objector, insisting that as a Muslim minister, it was against his
religious beliefs to fight for an army in a warzone. The decision went all the
way to the US Supreme Court and eventually in 1971, four years after refusing
to enter into the army, Ali’s appeal was granted. Ali had spent those four
years developing his abilities to speak publicly, as a religious leader. In the
‘60s and 70s, Ali supported the same line as the Nation of Islam, a group of at
times militant Islamists, for whom America was but a lost cause, a place which
Blacks would have to desert to achieve freedom, a bloody nest, far too
entangled in a cobweb of misery for there to be any kind of redemption from the
past. The Nation of Islam expounded divisive and at times ugly beliefs during
this period. They asserted that the “White man” was the Devil and the single
enemy of the Black world. They preached that Whites were inherently opposed to,
and driven to try and exploit Blacks.
WHY SHOULD BLACKS TRY
AND BE NICE TO THEIR OLD SLAVE MASTERS? US BLACKS NEED OUR COUNTRY, WE AINT
GONNA SIT AROUND AND SINK TO YOUR LEVEL!
IT’S TIME WE HAD OUR
OWN NATION! WHITES AINT GOT NO BUSINESS MIXING WITH NEGROES!
BLUE BIRDS DON’T FLY
WITH RED BIRDS!
Ali had grown in up in Bible-Belt territory: in a (relative
to Blacks at the time) lower middle-class family in Louisville, Kentucky. Ali
converted to Islam from Christianity alongside his brother. This conversion was
not at all strikingly different for Black Americans at the time, and simply
followed a logical trend. Ali had grown up unable to sit down at his local
restaurants by white people. Ali had sat among Black people who were denied the
right to vote by election-day taxes and literacy tests. Ali had attended a Black-only
school, and had seen the utter contempt the American establishment held for
Black people and their attempts, at every new dead-end, to use Blacks as a
sledgehammer – a tool to drum up a racket and direct social fury, and then,
chipped and bloodied, worn and scarred, dump on the side and burn once the path
was clear again.
John F Kennedy had won the Presidency on the back of a
campaign around civil rights, and then once elected, merely stumbled around the
issue for 3 years, offering up a small string of half-policies and the
occasional soundbite. Kennedy the man who turned a blind eye when black freedom
riders were being arrested and sent to jail en masse for sitting on a bus in
Mississippi, in 1961. Kennedy the man who promised to end housing
discrimination with ‘one stroke of a pen’ and started to receive bucket-loads
of pens through his Presidential mailbox, such was his lack of conviction
around the issue. Blacks bore the brunt
of poisonous, goddamn-ruthless leaders such as Lyndon Johnson, under whose
guidance the FBI threatened to blackmail Martin Luther King with allegations of
King’s infidelity, such was their opposition to Black people breaking the law in
order to obtain the rights afforded to everyone else in America.
The Nation of Islam not only critiqued the obstacles, in all
their many sizes and shapes, which Black Americans faced in the 1950s and ‘60s,
yet demanded black confidence and even arrogance. Ali would often sit in press
conferences, as the academic Grant Farred notes, merely stroking the dark skin
of his cheeks and jaw with the palm of his hand, shouting LOOK AT ME…I’M SO PRETTY! AINT I PRETTY?! I’M BEAUTIFUL! AIN’T NO ONE
AROUND MORE PRETTY THAN ME!! Ali would mention his upbringing: being taught
to worship a white god, with a white son and white angels, and learning of
white heroes – Tarzan – running around jungles in Africa. The Nation of Islam
violently refuted all of this: be damn proud of being Black, it’s the best and
in America’s barbaric reality, only thing you have.
I’VE BEEN IN PRISON
FOR 400 YEARS ALREADY…ANOTHER 4 OR 5 DOESN’T MATTER TO ME
Ali’s actions were symbolic of the colossal weight of the energy
within the Civil Rights movement, in which those involved appeared engulfed by
the most simple, radical notion: that there is something more important than
the self, something so condensed in love and empathy, that it breeds anger and
even hatred. And without this bristling charge, is the notion of social change
is not an empty cartridge: a gun without a bullet which, as we so often bare
witness to in the political arena, offers little but a sharp pain to the ear?
Ali’s refusal to enter the army represents the final threshold of political
action, the point at which ‘political action’ transcends the limitation of the
first word ‘political’, exploding through the realm of the personal, a force
now as majestically creative as it is traumatic.
Having returned to the boxing
arena in 1971, Ali eventually fought himself into embarrassment. He won a
handful of fights masterfully, with the same craft and rasping narrative which
had characterised his early career. Yet he kept on fighting, only retiring
after defeats to Larry Holmes and Trevor Berbick at the age of 39. Fighting was
a drug for Ali: a necessity, the source of his own character and ego, as well
as of wealth and the money he used to support his on-going divorce cases and
hungry entourage. By the point of the Holmes defeat, what in retrospect looks
like the early stages of Parkinson’s disease had already kicked in: his voice
was slurred, and he was no longer able to move with anything like the same pace
and grace which had characterised his early style. His radical politics took a
backseat as the ‘70s wore-on, engulfed by the hurricane of Ali’s charade: the
attempts to fund and maintain a sense of national importance and international
stature. He was photographed with Gerald Ford in the White House, and later
became a coat-hanger for the PR machines of the Reagan, Carter and Clinton
presidencies.
Yet there is still something, the
faint burn of an old idea, it seems, which turns in Ali’s mind, away from the
cameras and even in front of them. The documentary “The trials of Muhammad Ali”
paints a scene: after Ali was presented with the aforementioned Medal of
Freedom by George Bush in 2005, he meets Louis Farrakhan, a former member of
the National of Islam as well. A bewildered Farrakhan explains that after
congratulating Ali on receiving the medal, Ali – trembling and stuttering from
Parkinsons – leaned slowly into Farrakhan’s ear, whispering, repeating: “still
a nigger. still a nigger. still a nigger”.
WE CAME IN CHAINS! WE
CAME IN CHAINS! EVERYWHERE I LOOK I SEE CHAINS! CHAINS! 400 YEARS AND WE STILL
IN CHAINS!!
CHAINS!
CHAINS!
CHAINS!
CHAINS!
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